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Cost of the War in Iraq
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Blog Home : April 2009 : 2009-04-20 to 2009-04-26
Dean Baker
The
obvious answer is, they don't. If you are a free-market fundamentalists
then you are absolutely opposed to bank bailouts. That one is really
really simple. See, the free-market means you leave the market to run
itself. Bank bailouts involve taking taxpayer dollars and handing them
to banks that would go belly up if left to the market.
However simple this distinction might seem, it somehow escaped
the NYT which
discussed the policies promoted in recent decades
as though they could be plausibly described as "free-market
fundamentalism." It should be perfectly apparent to everyone at this
point that the people designing economic policy in recent decades had
no philosophical commitment to "free markets," they were trying to
design policies that had the effect of redistributing income upwards.
Mihir Bose
It may be hard to credit now, as 700 million voters go to the polls in the world’s biggest elections, but back in the 1940s the wise men of the British Raj predicted that while Pakistan would prosper, India would soon be divided into smaller mutually hostile states. Pakistan, it was thought, would become a vibrant Muslim state, a bulwark against Soviet communism. India’s predominantly Hindu population, however, was presumed to be a source of weakness and instability.
Nobody expressed this view more forcefully than Lieutenant-General Sir Francis Tucker who, as General Officer Commanding of the British Indian Eastern Command, had been in charge of large parts of the country. His memoirs, While Memory Serves, published in 1950, the year India became a republic, reflected the view of many of the departing British: "Hindu India was entering its most difficult phase of its whole existence. Its religion, which is to a great extent superstition and formalism, is breaking down. We may well expect, in the material world of today, that a material philosophy such as Communism will fill the void left by the Hindu religion."
Tucker was hardly alone among Raj officials. By then, it was almost an orthodoxy to believe that Hinduism was, if not an evil force, at least spent and worthless. Islam, on the other hand, was a religion the west could understand and with whose political leaders it could do business.
Rudyard Kipling, the great chronicler of the Raj, had long made clear his fondness for Muslims and his distrust of Hindus. He was appalled by the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, the two great Hindu classics, and repulsed by the jumble of the faith’s beliefs. In contrast, Kipling claimed that he had never met an Englishman who hated Islam and its people, for "where there are Muslims there is a comprehensive civilization".
Such caricatures of Hindus were not uncommon, but it was when this view was espoused by major politicians such as Winston Churchill that it became truly dangerous. When Churchill argued vehemently against Indian independence in the 1930s, his fire was directed mainly at the Hindus. As the Second World War neared its close, the British prime minister was so consumed by hatred of the Hindus that he told his private secretary John Colville, "The Hindus were a foul race."
Frank Rich, NYT
.....Maj. Paul Burney, a United States Army psychiatrist assigned to
interrogations in Guantánamo Bay that summer of 2002, told
Army investigators
of another White House imperative: “A large part of the time
we were
focused on trying to establish a link between Al Qaeda and Iraq and we
were not being successful.” As higher-ups got more
“frustrated” at the
inability to prove this connection, the major said, “there
was more and
more pressure to resort to measures” that might produce that
intelligence.
In other words, the
ticking time bomb was not
another potential Qaeda attack on America but the Bush
administration’s
ticking timetable for selling a war in Iraq; it wanted to pressure
Congress to pass a war resolution before the 2002 midterm elections.
Bybee’s memo was written the week after the then-secret (and
subsequently leaked) “Downing Street memo,” in
which the
head of British intelligence informed Tony Blair
that the Bush White House was so determined to go to war in Iraq that
“the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the
policy.” A
month after Bybee’s memo, on Sept. 8, 2002, Cheney would make
his infamous
appearance
on “Meet the Press,” hyping both Saddam’s
W.M.D.s and the “number of
contacts over the years” between Al Qaeda and Iraq. If only
9/11 could
somehow be pinned on Iraq, the case for war would be a slamdunk.
.....Five years after the Abu Ghraib revelations, we must acknowledge that our government methodically authorized torture and lied about it. But we also must contemplate the possibility that it did so not just out of a sincere, if criminally misguided, desire to "protect" us but also to promote an unnecessary and catastrophic war. Instead of saving us from "another 9/11," torture was a tool in the campaign to falsify and exploit 9/11 so that fearful Americans would be bamboozled into a mission that had nothing to do with Al Qaeda. The lying about Iraq remains the original sin from which flows much of the Bush White House’s illegality......
JPMorgan Chairman and CEO Jamie Dimon, in a letter to shareholders, touched on a theme that critics of the Iraq war were highlighting more than a year ago: That spending on the war was damaging to the economy.
Dimon cited "an expensive war in Iraq" as one of the possible triggers of the economic collapse. Spending on the war ballooned the deficit and crowded out investment in domestic priorities. Meanwhile, the trade deficit soared.
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